The accumulation of origin means that a product can be processed from a partner country or can be added to a product from another partner country, but can nevertheless be considered a “product of origin” of that second partner country for the purpose of a specific trade agreement. 17 Above the above problems, it is also necessary to take into account the presence of other important international actors, the challenges and the relevance of European Mediterranean policy. The United States is a major player to be expected. The United States is a Mediterranean power thanks to its power on the world stage and its historical commitment in parts of the region, particularly in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The region is less important to the United States than to the EU. Therefore, contrary to the European approach, the U.S. engagement with NCMs is bilateral or sub-regional (instead of regional) and emission (instead of the whole). This means that European interests are sometimes shared with the United States, for example with regard to security in general and weapons of mass destruction in particular, thus strengthening their power to achieve their objectives on such issues. But in the meantime, the selective engagement of the United States could distort its more global intentions, including stimulating regional integration. In the economic and commercial field, the United States has also been active in the Mediterranean basin. In 2000, the United States concluded a free trade agreement with Jordan, while the United States and Morocco signed a free trade agreement in 2004. The United States has a free trade area in the Middle East until 2013.  8 With regard to trade in services, the Council decided in 2005 to open negotiations with the MNCs on the liberalisation of trade in services and the right to establishment.
Negotiations have begun with Egypt, Israel, Morocco and Tunisia, which are expected to conclude in 2010.  While the liberalization of trade in services could generate considerable benefits for the MDC without losing government revenues related to tariffs.  The liberalisation of industrial products is hampered by the divergent interests of the EU and the MNCs and by the complex regulatory reforms involved in such liberalisation. While the EU has a comparative advantage for modes of transport 1 (cross-border supply) and 3 (commercial presence), MNCs are linked to the liberalisation of modes of transport 2 (consumption abroad) and 4 (presence of natural persons). European Member States are reluctant to make concessions in  However, the EMAA with Algeria and Jordan include commitments on the transport of key personnel (mode 4) as well as commercial presence (mode 3), indicating that such compromises are possible (see below).  The second pillar of the EMFTA is the promotion of the FTA`s conclusion among regional MDCs. Integration between NCMs is important to limit the so-called “hub and spoke” effect of closing EMAA: the risk that investors will choose to invest in the EU (the platform) and then export to Arab countries (the shelves), resulting in a small number of foreign direct investment (FDC) in the Mediterranean, necessary for its economic development.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between the MDCs.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between the MDCs.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between the MDCs.
 It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between the MDCs.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between MNCs.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between MDCs.  It has been quite difficult to stimulate free trade agreements between the MDCs. , despite some important initiatives. In 1997, 18 Arab countries (including the Gulf States) signed the agreement to create an Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA). In response to this stalled process, spurred by the EU, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia, the Agadir agreement establishing a free trade area between Arab countries